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22 aprile 2008
The PD's duty of care: Scrutiny of the executive
While it is certainly true that the victory of Berlusconi’s PdL party last week has bestowed the newly elected government with a strong majority which can, in theory, enable them to implement the major changes that are necessary to render Italy better equipped to tackle the numerous challenges it faces, many questions still remain regarding the proposals the PdL is currently advocating. Firstly, given Berlusconi’s poor economic track record, his repeated promises for major tax cuts including to the Imposta communale sugli immobili (I.C.I) - council taxes, coupled with higher public spending seem unfeasible, especially as they come at a time when the Italian economy is in dire need of huge influxes of money to reverse its decline and to alleviate its enormous public debt - estimated by recent figures to be the largest in Europe compared to any other economy of its size. Tax cuts could also result in further price rises in the face of diminishing salaries, as well as additional pressure on local and regional governments to recuperate their lost earnings by raising the taxes they control. Secondly, given the unforeseen success of the Lega Nord (gaining 9% of the popular vote), a certain number of Italy’s key ministry posts will now be filled by members of what can lightly be described as a separatist party with xenophobic inclinations. It is difficult to imagine how politicians of such political orientation can insert the type of creativity and openness to change that Italy so desperately needs. The increased influence of the Lega Nord also presents other hindrances to change as given their strong anti-immigrant rhetoric, tougher measures are likely to be introduced which will reduce the number of legal immigrants entering the country exactly at a time when Italy needs an injection of new blood into its workforce to counterbalance an ageing society. Furthermore, at a time when Italy’s mezzogiorno is still considered one of the poorest regions in the EU surpassing some of regions in the new member states, one has to wonder whether a party advocating partition will be able to comprehend the necessity to readjust these massive disparities if Italy, as a united nation, is ever going to reverse the economic recession it now finds itself in. Finally, questions also surround the stability of the current political arrangement as Bossi himself has already declared he will not be patient in terms of reforms, meaning that we could find ourselves with another fallen government if Berlusconi is unable to maintain party discipline. However, one must strive to adopt a constructive approach at all times. Thus, it is our duty to remember the benefits of a two party system, namely the role of the opposition (carried out in Britain by the shadow cabinet) to scrutinise all government decisions and to hold that same government to account by all democratic means possible. Accordingly, it is therefore imperative for the PD under Veltroni’s direction, to guarantee that Berlusconi abides by his election promises to reform the public administration, effectively resolve the refuse problems in Naples, correct the spiral of economic decline and restore Italy’s international reputation. It is not only the role of the opposition however, but of the entire international community and of the EU in particular, to ensure that Berlusconi as Italy’s new PM is closely monitored as after all, a democracy is nothing without the people and safeguards to uphold its fundamental principles.
| inviato da rachel__owens il 22/4/2008 alle 15:48 | |
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26 marzo 2008
When in Rome, should we do as the Romans do?
I have always found the complex world of Italian politics deeply intriguing if slightly disturbing. Coming from Britain, where the political system is based on majoritarian rule and strong governments, our Italian counterpart is bewildering in its fallibility and inherent instability. Why is it that Italy has undergone so many more changes in government than most other Western European countries? - the newly elected administration will be Italy 27th since 1978, compared with seven in the UK over the same time period.
Electoral dysfunction
One explanation could be related to the ill-functioning Italian electoral system which has a history of producing weak governments (a situation which was further exacerbated by the decision in December 2005 to introduce a system of proportional representation). Despite the manifest democratic benefits of a PR system (better representation of citizens wishes, fewer wasted votes, greater representation for minority rights), as a functioning system it also has many severe drawbacks as the situation in Italy attests. Governments are intrinsically weak and highly susceptible to defeat as a result of no confidence votes or the defection of smaller, yet extremely powerful parties. This in turn has the very grave and democratically damaging consequence that governments are unable to carry out the tasks they were entrusted to perform, namely to implement reforms to improve the economic or social conditions of its citizens. A quick comparison of the reforms implemented in the UK and Italy over the last 20 years show vast differences in the quantity and scope of reforms implemented – I am not of course advocating that all reforms in the UK have been beneficial but suffice to say that the possibility for change has existed. The ramifications of this situation do, however, seem to have been recognised. Despite the fact that the elections of this month will be held under the current system, both the PdL and PD have promised electoral reform within their respective manifestos. Furthermore, should either party not maintain their electoral promises there is an extensive political movement pushing for these reforms, which has already held three referenda on its own merit and would hopefully ensure that these reforms take place.
Conflicts of interests
Another source of intrigue and often incredulity for a British observer is embodied in the infamous figure of Silvio Berlusconi, who given his 4% lead over his political rival Veltroni is likely to regain his position as Italian Prime Minister in the elections to be held this month. Notwithstanding the stories that have been published regarding his ambiguous status with respect to the law, his numerous bouts of plastic surgery or his ominous links with the Italian mafia, many British observers are shocked by the very notion that a politician, especially one who has on more than one occasion reached the highest realms of political status, is permitted to exert control such a wide range of non-governmental power sources in addition to the power he already possesses. That a Prime Minister or opposition leader is allowed to own or even have strong links with the equivalent number of television stations, advertising agencies, publishing houses, sport clubs (including the one of the nation’s most prominent football clubs) as Berlusconi does– would be (at least I hope) unthinkable in the UK. Within the British mindset, this separation between the political and media spheres is seen as fundamental in order to ensure that there is freedom and independence of the press away from government control and protection from possible conflicts of interest. It is principle many have fought long to maintain and one which is epitomised, in my view, by the British national media service, the BBC, a highly independent and world class media institution.
The case for participation
The picture in Italy is not however all gloom and despair, as despite or even as a result of this over-concentration of the nation’s information providers in the hands of one person, many other non-traditional avenues are being sought out and intelligently utilised by a number of individuals and organisations dedicated to providing Italian citizens with more rounded and alternative perspectives of current events. The most crucial of these avenues is, of course, through the internet – in blogs, youtube videos and chat forums one discovers an abundance of inputs from concerned Italians, keen to make their voices heard. Correspondingly, a number of representatives from the political sphere also seem to have also recognized the potential of this phenomenon. The PD website acts as a strong exemplar with its innovative array of participation mechanisms ranging from an option to record ‘ciò che ci sta a cuore’ (your most heartfelt requests), to an invitation to sign up to the ‘PD network’, a social facility which, among other services, permits the exchange of articles, opinions and comments and provides search engines for members to seek out like-minded constituents in their area. All of these developments are certainly steps in the right direction, however in order to properly facilitate this much welcomed phenomenon it now seems imperative that Italy fully embraces the technological age in which we living, by guaranteeing that its national internet access levels reach European standards and that as a nation, she becomes one of the fore fronters of technological innovation.
An incomprehensible discourse?
Yet despite the sources of intrigue that the current Italian political discourse certainly possesses, it remains to non-Italian, (and perhaps Italian alike), not familiar with the vast variety of parties and political personalities who appear in constant flux, moving from one coalition to another or creating completely new parties or coalitions, a highly confusing and extremely difficult affair to follow. During my time working and studying in Italy, I attempted rather unsuccessfully to follow the evolving political developments and debates but were more often than not overwhelmed by the numerous scandals surrounding many politicians or did feel satisfied with the independence of the media to be able to rely on it to present an unbiased view of the situation. However, this fast pace with which the political landscape changes in Italy does not seem to have been transferred to the progress and development made by Italy as a nation. Instead, Italy is perceived both by Italians and outsiders as lagging in terms of economic performance, technological innovation and social advancement.
Real problems or just ‘crude statistics’?
Many commentators have suggested that Italy is being unfairly judged by “crude statistics” which do not reflect the prosperity and comfortable way of life still enjoyed by most Italians. Through my many interactions with Italians of all ages and from all corners of ‘il bel paese’ (otherwise known as my adopted homeland) I have gained a different picture and one which unfortunately supports the conclusions of these ‘crude statistics’. That is to say that real problems do exist which relate to the huge public debit, rising prices for food and commodities, job insecurity from temporary contracts or lack of satisfactory workplace insurance, unemployment or lack of real opportunities on account of widespread clientalism in how positions are appointed and ill-functioning bureaucratic practices within the key state infrastructures – schools, universities, transport systems etc. These woes, although can in part be blamed on the negative effects of globalisation, are also part of characteristics specific to Italy for example in terms of the levels of corruption and clientalism, which a recent survey has shown are higher than in some developing countries.
The case for change
What does appear clear in the minds of most Italians is that change is needed - trust in politicians needs to reinstalled, a strong government must be established which can lead Italy through the forthcoming difficult reforms and which, more importantly, is given the space to work and the young and innovative must be provided with greater opportunities to participate in the political process so as to eject new life into a senescent system. I truly believe Italy as a nation has a massive potential to become much more than it currently is, if its acts now using its strongest assets that we all love and associate with Italy – the innate creativity, style and charisma of its people, the exquisite cuisine, the amazing climate to name only a few – if these are maximised and utilised in conjunction with the inherent sense of identity about what it is to be Italian, surely it can only be a recipe for success.
| inviato da rachel__owens il 26/3/2008 alle 10:14 | |
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